The North American Phalanx was a secular utopian socialist commune located in Colts Neck Township, Monmouth County, New Jersey. The community was the longest-lived of about 30 Fourierist Associations in the United States which emerged during a brief burst of popularity during the decade of the 1840s.

The North American Phalanx was established in September 1843 and included the active participation of writer Albert Brisbane and newspaper publisher Horace Greeley, two of the leading figures of the Fourierist movement. The Association was disbanded in January 1856, following a catastrophic fire which destroyed a number of the community's productive enterprises. At the time of its termination it was the last of about 30 Fourierist Associations established during the 1840s still in existence and thus was the longest-lived.

The main residential dwelling of the phalanx, a three-story wooden structure, stood vacant until it was itself destroyed by fire in November 1972.

History

Background

Charles Fourier (1772–1837) was a French philosopher who believed that the structure of modern civilization led to poverty, unemployment, isolation, and unhappiness and that people would be better off living in organized communal societies rather than individual family units. Fourier developed the idea of the , a collectively dwelling and cooperatively working community of 1,620 people organized on the basis of a joint stock company.

While never pursued in France during his lifetime, Fourier's ideas found practical realization in the United States in the 1840s and early 1850s as a result of the books and newspaper columns of Albert Brisbane (1809–1890). It was Brisbane who translated, distilled, and adapted Fourier's ideas for an American audience, largely through the pages of Horace Greeley's New York Tribune, stirring popular enthusiasm for the French intellectual's ideas for the formation of local associations, known as "phalanxes."

Early in 1843 a general call was issued in New York City by Brisbane, Greeley, and others, seeking local organizations of Fourierist groups.Charles Sears, The North American Phalanx: An Historical and Descriptive Sketch. Prescott, WI: John M. Pryse, 1886; pg. 3. The Sears history of the North American Phalanx appears to have been prepared in December 1852 at the request of pioneer historian of the cooperative movement A.J. Macdonald with a subsequent amendment describing termination of the enterprise. See: Noyes, History of American Socialisms, pg. 450. This call inspired the formation in the summer of 1843 of a group calling itself the Albany Branch of the North American Phalanx. About 20 families participated in the official planning of the group, of which about a dozen families formally subscribed to the draft constitution, on August 12, 1843.William Alfred Hinds, American Communities and Co-operative Colonies, Second Edition. Chicago: Charles H. Kerr & Co., 1908; pg. 266.

It was believed by the first participants that considerable capital would be raised for establishment of an American cooperative association and that a number of other branch organizations would emerge throughout the New York region, inspired by the Albany group's activity and success. Neither of these expectations was realized, however, as only with great difficulty was a sum just under $7,000 raised, and no other local associations would immediately follow. Moreover, a majority of the phalanx's financing came from outside sources, as over time 61% of the association's stock would be held by outsiders, including 527 shares held by a sympathetic consortium of merchants from New York City.Guarneri, The Utopian Alternative, pg. 173.

Despite clearly inadequate resources, the Albany Branch, headed by Charles Sears and Nathan Starks, decided to persevere and a search began for suitable agricultural lands upon which a local phalanstery might be established.

Establishment

A domain of was located near the small town of Red Bank, New Jersey, priced at $14,000.Sears, The North American Phalanx, pg. 4. Of this sum $5,000 of the community's funds were invested as a down payment, leaving a mortgage of $9,000 to be repaid over time. Barely $2,000 remained for the construction of buildings and the purchase of working animals, farm implements, and other necessary goods.

Colonization began in September 1843, with six families crowded into two houses previously existing on the property. Temporary housing was rapidly constructed to provide accommodations for the rest of the party that winter.

Others arrived at the site in the spring of 1844, with a total of 100 people as part of 20 families in residence by the end of that year. At its peak the community would eventually count about 150 people in residence, including children, usually ranging between 120 and that number.

After one year of existence a saw-mill had been constructed and was nearly ready for operation, and a blacksmith shop and a machine shop powered by a steam engine were already operational.Letter to the Convention of Associations, published in The Phalanx, Dec. 9, 1844. Reprinted in Hinds, American Communities and Co-operative Colonies, pp. 266-267. In addition, the community included stables, animal and wagon sheds, carpentry shops, a school and children's day care area, guest cottages, landscaped gardens and paths, and an artificial pond for bathing, boating and a supply of ice in the winter.Lois R. Densky and Gregory J. Plunges, "North American Phalanx Records, 1841-1972," Monmouth County Historical Association, Library and Archives Manuscript Collections, Collection 5, May 1980.

Most of the household heads living in the North American Phalanx at the time of its formation had either passing or practical knowledge of agriculture. The land was deemed quite suitable for fruit farming and a good percentage of the available land was subsequently committed to fruit trees, including apples, peaches, pears, and quince. In addition grape vines were planted.

In 1847 a new three-story addition was constructed, adding common area. Together with a pair of long halls, the phalanx subsequently had housing sufficient for each family to be allotted a parlor and two bedrooms.Hinds, American Communities and Co-operative Colonies, pg. 267. A 70-foot long restaurant was also constructed at the same time.

The North American Phalanx was moderately successful during its first seven years of operation, paying annual dividends ranging from 4.4% to 5.6% on capital invested, as well as hourly wages to all workers of the community.Hinds, American Communities and Co-operative Colonies, pg. 273.

Labor and compensation

In accordance with the Fourierian scheme, labor was divided into general departments, called "series," of which there were six at the North American Phalanx: agriculture, livestock, manufacturing, domestic work, education, and "festal" (entertainment).Sears, The North American Phalanx, pg. 5. Within each of these there were additional subdivisions called "groups," consisting of 3 to 7 people, who would work cooperatively on specific given tasks. For example, the agricultural series included four groups: farming, market gardening, orchard, and experimental. Additional groups not associated with any series were formed for performance of special "repugnant" work and the care of visitors.Sears, The North American Phalanx, pp. 5-6.

Each of these groups elected a chief, who kept track of labor time and who represented it at meetings with other group chiefs at meetings of the department, called the "council." Council members in turn elected a chief, who served as general manager of the department and presiding officer at meetings of the council. These general managers each met daily as part of a body called the Industrial Council, which determined jobs needing to be done the following day.Sears, The North American Phalanx, pg. 6.

Domestic work was performed by women, with the organized subdivision of domestic tasks practiced in accordance with the model used for other series.

At the end of each year, proceeds of the year's production would be calculated and — in accordance with the Fourierian scheme — awards for capital, labor, and talent allocated. By way of example, rates of 5% on capital invested and $1 per ten-hour day for "ordinary" labor were in force at the end of the North American Phalanx's existence.Sears, The North American Phalanx, pg. 7. Jobs were compensated at three levels, with exhausting or repugnant jobs earning a premium and light and attractive jobs being docked a penalty. In addition bonuses were awarded or demerits assessed for the excellence or lack of skill of performance.

Each group rated its own members for purposes of compensation, with labor performance rather than age or gender the determining factor in setting wage rates.

While the community initially attempted to make payment to its members in cash, with money tied up in land and property and the supply of paper money erratic, a move to the issuance of scrip was soon made.Sears, The North American Phalanx, pp. 7-8. This "house currency" was of the same general size and appearance as regular paper money of the day, but featured a central bust of Charles Fourier.Sears, The North American Phalanx, pg. 8. Wages and assessments for room and board were made monthly, with scrip used as tender to settle the balances of all such accounts.

Daily life Collective living and rational division of domestic responsibility was a primary tenet of Fourierism. During its first two or three years of existence, extreme frugality was deemed necessary, and only "scanty" meals were served at the common table.Sears, The North American Phalanx, pg. 10. The situation was further complicated by the presence of significant numbers of associationists with specific dietary beliefs, including contingents of vegetarians and Christian sectarians who foreswore the use of all products produced at the cost of a sacrifice of life. The effect was disruptive, with the moderate and extreme vegetarians agitating against the slaughter of animals and the consumption of meat.Sears, The North American Phalanx, pg. 11.

The dietary dilemma was ultimately resolved by the replacement of the common table with a restaurant; board was provided on an à la carte basis rather than through a common menu. Another benefit was that food waste was reduced, according to North American Phalanx president Charles Sears.

Just as there was difference in eating habits, a range of religious affiliations existed among the North American Phalanx's resident members. Included among the community's ranks were Unitarians, Presbyterians, Quakers, Baptists, Episcopalians, Jews, Shakers, as well as agnostics and atheists.Sears, The North American Phalanx, pg. 12. While religious matters were frequently the object of discussion and debate, heated division over religious topics does not seem to have occurred in the community until 1853, with the climate sharpening as the end of the institution approached.

The phalanx maintained a nursery for younger children as well as a school for older children, the combination of which served to significantly reduce the domestic duties of female members.Sears, The North American Phalanx, pg. 15. Efforts were made to build an appreciation for collectivist ideals in the minds of the community's 30 to 40 children, with children and youth encouraged to work cooperatively in organizing amusements, forest expeditions, camping trips, and craft projects.